
Why is it still so hard for whistleblowers?
09/01/23 • 49 min
1 Listener
Lucy Letby worked on a neonatal unit in England. Dr Stephen Brearey - the lead consultant on the unit - raised concerns in October 2015. Whilst no one knew she was killing some of the babies in her care, Dr Brearey hoped his concerns, and those of - in the end - seven of his fellow senior doctors, would be taken seriously. Instead, senior managers at the Countess of Chester Hospital seemed to him to be focused on potential reputational damage to the organisation and were, for some time, reluctant to involve the police.
At her trial Letby was found guilty of seven murders and six more attempted murders. Worse still has been the realisation that two of the victims may not have died if the concerns had not been ignored.
This isn’t the first time the UK’s National Health Service has been accused of not listening to whistleblowers but as an organisation it is by no means alone. From international banks to car makers to health tech start-ups, whistleblowing is not always welcomed with open arms.
So why is whistleblowing - the act of disclosing information about wrongdoing in an organisation - still so difficult to do? What’s at stake for those who choose to speak out and is there enough protection? Historically, organisations appear resistant to whistleblowers - but should they instead be actively encouraged?
Shaun Ley is joined by:
Anna Myers, director of Whistleblowing International Network
Kyle Welch, assistant professor at the George Washington University School of Business
And Narinder Kapur, Professor of Neuropsycholgy at University College London
Also featuring:
Dr Stephen Brearey, lead consultant on the neonatal unit where Lucy Letby worked
Thomas Drake, a former senior executive at the National Security Agency, the United States' electronic espionage service
Photo: American economist and whistleblower Daniel Ellsberg addresses the media during a recess in his trial at the Federal Courtroom in Los Angeles, California, 10th May 1973. Ellsberg was accused of illegally copying and distributing the Pentagon papers relating to the Vietnam war. Credit: Bettmann Archive/Getty Images
Produced by Pandita Lorenz and Max Horberry
Lucy Letby worked on a neonatal unit in England. Dr Stephen Brearey - the lead consultant on the unit - raised concerns in October 2015. Whilst no one knew she was killing some of the babies in her care, Dr Brearey hoped his concerns, and those of - in the end - seven of his fellow senior doctors, would be taken seriously. Instead, senior managers at the Countess of Chester Hospital seemed to him to be focused on potential reputational damage to the organisation and were, for some time, reluctant to involve the police.
At her trial Letby was found guilty of seven murders and six more attempted murders. Worse still has been the realisation that two of the victims may not have died if the concerns had not been ignored.
This isn’t the first time the UK’s National Health Service has been accused of not listening to whistleblowers but as an organisation it is by no means alone. From international banks to car makers to health tech start-ups, whistleblowing is not always welcomed with open arms.
So why is whistleblowing - the act of disclosing information about wrongdoing in an organisation - still so difficult to do? What’s at stake for those who choose to speak out and is there enough protection? Historically, organisations appear resistant to whistleblowers - but should they instead be actively encouraged?
Shaun Ley is joined by:
Anna Myers, director of Whistleblowing International Network
Kyle Welch, assistant professor at the George Washington University School of Business
And Narinder Kapur, Professor of Neuropsycholgy at University College London
Also featuring:
Dr Stephen Brearey, lead consultant on the neonatal unit where Lucy Letby worked
Thomas Drake, a former senior executive at the National Security Agency, the United States' electronic espionage service
Photo: American economist and whistleblower Daniel Ellsberg addresses the media during a recess in his trial at the Federal Courtroom in Los Angeles, California, 10th May 1973. Ellsberg was accused of illegally copying and distributing the Pentagon papers relating to the Vietnam war. Credit: Bettmann Archive/Getty Images
Produced by Pandita Lorenz and Max Horberry
Previous Episode

Ecuador's spiralling drug violence
Ecuador has until recently been a relatively peaceful country. But in the course of a few years it has become a place dominated by violence and drug trafficking.
After Colombia struck a peace deal in 2016, Ecuador’s role in the drug supply chains has continued to grow in importance and its now being used as a transit route for cocaine smuggled from neighbouring Peru and Colombia. The powerful Mexican drug cartels are also said to operate through local gangs. Ecuador's murder rate has surged as local gangs have forged alliances with international crime cartels and the killings of politicians have rocked the country ahead of the snap poll on August 20.
Earlier this month, presidential candidate Fernando Villavicencio was shot dead while leaving a political rally in the capital Quito. He'd been one of the few candidates in this month's presidential elections to allege links between organised crime and government officials in Ecuador.
So why has the drug trafficking industry become so powerful in Ecuador? Will a new president make any difference? If the cartels are eventually pushed out of Ecuador, will they simply move to another South American country?
Shaun Ley is joined by:
Arianna Tanca, Ecuadorian political scientist at The Latin American Faculty of Social Sciences in Guayaquil
Will Freeman, Fellow for Latin America Studies at the Council on Foreign Relations, an American think-tank specialising in US foreign policy and international relations Glaeldys Gonzalez, Fellow for the Latin America and Caribbean Program with the International Crisis Group
Also featuring:
Ecuadorian journalist, Isabela Ponce
Produced by Ellen Otzen and Pandita Lorenz
Next Episode

Iran, a year on from the death of Mahsa Amini
The death of 22-year-old Mahsa Amini after she was detained by Iran's so-called ‘morality police’ - enforcers of Iran’s Islamic dress code - sparked widespread anti-government protests across the country. Thousands of mostly young Iranians took to the streets. Women burned their headscarves in a defiant act of resistance and cut their hair in solidarity.
Next week marks a year since the death of Ms Amini, who allegedly had hair visible under her headscarf when she was arrested in Tehran on the 13 September. She fell into a coma shortly after collapsing at a detention centre, and died three days later in hospital. The force denies reports officers beat her head with a baton and banged it against one of their vehicles.
Despite the protests, the Iranian parliament are currently debating a Hijab and Chastity Bill that could impose a raft of new punishments on women who fail to wear the headscarf. At the same time, President Ebrahim Raisi is under mounting domestic pressure to deal with Iran’s economy dogged by ongoing sanctions, spiralling living costs and rampant inflation.
So, a year on, what has changed? What do the protests reveal about the complexity of Iranian society? How much of a factor is Iran’s economic troubles? Despite the unrest, many still support Iran’s conservative government so what are their views on the situation?
Shaun Ley is joined by:
Azadeh Moaveni, director of global journalism at New York University Sanam Vakil, director, Middle East and North Africa programme, Chatham House
Haleh Esfandiari, director emerita, Middle East programme, Wilson Center
Also featuring:
Dr Seyed Mohammed Marandi, professor of English literature and Orientalism at the University of Tehran
An anonymous teacher in Tehran who attended the protests
Ali Vaez, Iran project director at the International Crisis Group
Photo: Iranian women walk past a cleric in a street in Tehran, Iran, 19 September 2022. Credit: ABEDIN TAHERKENAREH/EPA-EFE/REX/Shutterstock
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